South Asia Analysis Group 


Paper no.270

05. 07. 2001

  

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PAKISTAN’S ONE POINT AGENDA FOR AGRA SUMMIT 2001

by Dr. Subhash Kapila

Climbing summits is an arduous process calling for great endurance and determination to scale the top.  The world’s mightiest summits admit only one or two routes to reach the top with no other alternatives possible.  Summits and scaling summits also do not lend themselves to conditionalities.  The end aim has an overriding importance.

The Agra Summit 2001, if it is intended to be scaling of the Summit, should have the end aim of generating and bringing peace to South Asia.  While India and the United States (the prime mover of bringing India and Pakistan to the negotiating table) seem to share this aim, Pakistan and its President Musharraf, seem to have only one perspective i.e. Kashmir.

United States Strategic Interests and Expectation: The United States seems to have re-cast its South Asian policies to accommodate a greater recognition of India’s strategic and power potential and exploring the forging of a strategic co-optive relationship for the future.  Pakistan, however, still continues to hover as an important determinant in US South Asian policies.

United States' current strategic interests and concerns regarding Pakistan can be analysed as: (1)Pakistan does not end up as a failed state; (2)Pakistan does not fall prey to Talibanisation; (3)Pakistan does not initiate a nuclear armed conflict in the face of Indian conventional military superiority.  The United states also regards Pakistan as an important strategic ally to further US interests in Central Asia.

Since Pakistan has exhibited all indicators of a ‘failing state’ and becoming increasingly Talibanised, United States including the present Bush Administration, redoubled its efforts to bail out Pakistan, by pressurising India to accept negotiations with Musharraf, in reversal of its earlier declared policies.

The United States assesses that it is Musharraf only who can arrest Pakistan’s slippage into a failed state and Talibanisation.  Having achieved the first part of its aim to bring PM Vajpayee talking to President Musharraf, United States hopes and expects that: (1) India and Pakistan seem to be in a participative dialogue at the Summit level; (2) Logically expect that some nuclear confidence building measures emerge from the Summit; (3) discuss the Kashmir issue; and (4) lower the overall confrontation temperature in South Asia.

India’s Hopes for the Summit: India’s hopes for the Agra Summit rest on the end-aim of achieving a durable peace in South Asia.  India views conflict resolution in South Asia in a very comprehensive manner and hence a composite dialogue on all outstanding issues including end of Pakistan’s proxy war and state-sponsored terrorism in J&K State.  India also hopes that Pakistan would be more forthcoming in discussing nuclear confidence-building measures at the Agra Summit.

India’s reversal from its earlier declarative policy of dialogue with Pakistan may be attributed to : (1) India’s desire to be accommodative to United States strategic interests in pursuance of the aim of forging a sound Indo-US strategic relationship; and (2) India not to be viewed as obstructive in conflict-resolution initiatives.

India’s agreement for the Agra Summit should not be viewed by USA or Pakistan as a sign of weakness.  India approaches the Agra Summit from a position of strong relative strength, but with sincere hopes for a composite dialogue to bring peace in South Asia.

Pakistan’s One-Point Agenda for Agra Summit: President Musharraf’s statements (in the 2 July, 2001 interview to The Times of India) just two weeks before the Agra Summit, makes disappointing reading.  An analysis of his statements brings forth the following major conclusions regarding his approach and attitudes at the Agra Summit: (1) Kashmir is the single point agenda for Pakistan; (2) Kashmir discussions would not be allowed unnecessary dilution by discussion of other peripheral issues; (3) Other issues will be talked only when progress is made on the Kashmir issue; and(4) Progress in economic and cultural fields can only follow the resolution of the Kashmir issue.

On the issues of concerns to the United States and India , namely, Islamic Jehad and nuclear confidence-building measures, President Musharraf was disappointing.  He was not forthcoming on nuclear restraint.  President Musharraf also refused to commit himself to any restraint policy in terms of Islamic Jehadi activity in J&K State, even in case some structured dialogue on Kashmir gets underway.

Summit Outcome Bleak: While Musharraf's spin-doctors have been very active, the Indian media in the run-up to the Agra Summit has also gone wild in its hyped-up coverage and analysis.  It has generated exaggerated expectations of the Agra Summit. It has focussed its coverage on Pakistan only, without any significant coverage of India’s official set-up, both political and the Ministry of External Affairs.  This leads to distortion of the overall perspective.

Pakistan’s perspective, attitudes and approaches to the Agra Summit are at marked variance to US strategic interests and concerns and India’s hopes for a comprehensive peace in South Asia, based on a composite dialogue.

While pomp and grandeur and photo-op opportunities at the Agra Summit would abound in plenty, the prospects of any substantial and meaningful outcome are bleak.

Conclusion: In the absence of any substantial outcome at the Agra Summit, the losers will not be India and Pakistan.  The biggest loser will be the United States which has prompted and scripted the Agra Summit.  Its credibility will suffer in the general Indian perception in that the United States once again failed to pressurise Pakistan to walk the road to peace in South Asia in a comprehensive and composite manner.  USA will be left with no space to jump-start any ensuing stalemates.  United States should therefore prevail on Musharraf to abandon his single-point agenda.

India is resilient and strong to withstand any further bleeding in J&K State that Pakistan would be tempted to impose in the post-Agra Summit phase as a result of lack of progress on the Kashmir issue.  Continuation of Kashmir issue as a single-point of confrontation with India will hurt Pakistan more in the long run.

President Musharraf when questioned on the Kargil issue during the interview was dismissive that history should not be reopened as it would open a Pandora’s box.  But it is history that President Musharraf should pay heed to.  The history of Indo-Pak conflicts of the last 53 years painfully illustrates that the road to peace in South Asia, does not travel via Srinagar, nor does Srinagar lie atop the Summit.

(Dr. Subhash Kapila is an International Relations and Strategic Affairs analyst.  He can be reached on e-mail for discussion at esdecom@vsnl.com)

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