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India-USA Strategic Partnership - The advent of the inevitable

by  Dr. Subhash Kapila


President Clinton’s five day visit to India in March 2000 could hopefully in the years to come be looked as the "Advent of the Inevitable (term borrowed with thanks from Tanvir Ahmad Khan, Head of Pakistan’s Institute of Strategic studies referring to US shifts in South Asian Policies) in terms of an India-USA strategic partnership. For more than fifty years the United States and India stood apart as ‘estranged democracies’ when there were more than enough political and strategic compulsions on both sides in the late 1940's and early 1950's to have entered into a strategic partnership.

To be fair, it must be recorded that the United States was the first to make overtures on this account, only to be rebuffed by the India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru with his obsessive attachment to the policies of non-aligned. The "mantra" of non-aligned followed by Nehru and his successors could not prevent three wars on India by Pakistan and one by China besides a host of insurgencies on the peripheries. In the darkest hours of India’s military history, the 1962 debacle of the Sino-Indian War, it was the United States which promptly responded with military and equipment aid and a fleet of C-130 transport aircraft to ferry Indian formations to Ladakh and the North-East. India’s policies of non-alignment during the Cold War were suspect in American eyes and on certain issues critical to USA, Indian pronouncements were perceived as anti-USA. Indian foreign policies under Nehru and Indira Gandhi were highly personalized to build a healthy relationship with the United States.

The United States too has to shoulder a fair share of the blame and especially in the 1970's and 1980s for the estrangement. US policies then made possible the intrusive entry of China in South Asia’s political and strategic calculations. In the 1990's President Clinton and his advisers have to shoulder blame for their permissiveness in allowing China to complete the nuclear weaponisation of Pakistan and the build-up of its missile armoury, which besides strategically discomfiting India, could some day impact on US strategic interest in the Gulf and Central Asian Republics.

President Clinton’s visit to India last month was therefore, preceded by misgivings on its outcome especially with mutual reservations on a host of contentious issues- Pakistan, Kashmir, Nuclear Proliferation, CTBT etc. Retrospectively, it now seems that in terms of future India-US relations, President Clinton’s visit was worthwhile. No spectacular results may have emerged, but in the eyes of the Indian public, a perception that was hither-to-fore missing was that India does have a friend in the United States. To those who can dispense with existing mindsets , a ‘vision’ was on the horizon that this friendship could be emerged into a partnership and that too a strategic partnership in the years to come.

There are many factors and considerations on both sides, which should prompt the emergence of a strategic partnership between the United States and India.

United States- Factors that should prompt seeking a strategic partnership with India.

The "New World Order" and "Peace Dividends" envisaged by the United States policy makers at the end of the Cold War, and perceived as a US victory by them, did not come about. Admittedly the United States emerged as the unipolar global super power with the disintegration of the Soviet Union, but this was also accompanied by newer and greater strategic uncertainties due to the shattering of the predictable bi-polar strategic template.

Moving into the 21st century, a whole new set of complex strategic developments stare the United States in its face and these could and should prompt it to seek a strategic partnership with India. These are:

* China’s emergence as a major military threat in the Asia Pacific with enough manifestations and indications that it would wish to challenge US predominance in the region.

* Russia’s potential re-surgence as an assertive player not only in the European affairs but more so in the Asia-Pacific and with possibilities in the Middle east alter the 2000' global strategic equations.

* Emerging strategic partnership between Russia and China, complicates strategic equation on the Western rim of the Pacific.

* Islamic fundamentalist challenges in the Gulf, Afghanistan, Pakistan and some of the Central Asian Republics, seem hell bent on challenging the United States and West.

* US forward military presence being diluted in vital strategic regions by withdrawal of base facilities particularly in Asia-Pacific, affecting sea-lanes security.

* Pakistan’s potential Talibanisation and fouling up the South West Asia scene along with Afghanistan.

All of the above factors make a call on the United States to seek newer strategic partnerships wider a field than its erstwhile Cold War alliances and relationships. Military dictatorships, authoritarian regimes and sheikhdoms cannot provide USA with the sinews to face the emerging global challenges. Natural partners for such challenges for USA can only be vibrant democracies, where changes of power are peaceful and where economic growth is assured.

India- Factors demanding a strategic partnership with the United States

The much vaunted and flaunted non-aligned strategy enunciated and imposed on India by its first Prime Minister has been a failure. It could not prevent four wars being imposed on India and unending insurgencies on its peripheries. On the other hand it brought about the intrusive presence of USA and China into South Asia and attempts by both to strategically balance India for what they perceived as a tilt towards USSR. India failed to recognize the true import of Gorbachev’s Vladivostok Declarations of 1985 - sell out to Chinese national interests, and a return of the Russian tilt towards China.

Entering the 21st century. India has to take serious note of the following political strategic developments in the international and regional security environment:

* China continues to be the long range security threat to India and becoming more potent by the day with its preponderance of nuclear weapons and military might over India.

* Pakistan has emerged as a nuclear weapon state in South Asia with exclusive Chinese assistance along with a threatening missile armoury.

* The China-Pakistan strategic nexus in South Asia continues unabated and is likely to be reinforced further with Clinton’s policy pronouncements on South Asia and the growing estrangement between USA and China.

* Islamic fundamentalists have generated the single most damaging threat to India, externally and internally, sponsored and launched by Pakistan and funded by Saudi Arabia. This threat cannot be handled singly by India.

* Russia, strategically considered a friend by successive Indian Govts has a decade ago, rhetoric aside, given enough indications of forging a quasi strategic alliance with China to checkmate USA in the Asia - Pacific. Russia neither has countervailing power nor would it use it in favour of India to avoid annoying the Chinese.

The above indicators strongly point out that India has to shed its non aligned mindsets. To protect its national security interests, India needs to break out of its earlier politico-strategic straitjacket and opt for newer options. The United States provides the single - most important, dynamic and strategically rich option to India.

India-USA Strategic Partnership: Convergence of Interests

A solid India-USA strategic partnership can be built around the many areas of convergence of interest, both political and strategic. Logically there could be:

* The United States has vital strategic interests in the middle East/Gulf region and south east Asia. The former sits on the worlds largest reserves of the energy and the latter sits astride the strategic choke points linking the Indian and Pacific Oceans. For India too both these regions are critical to its national security interests.

* Both USA and India value " the freedom of the high seas" and more specifically the sea-lanes that emanate from the Hormuz Straits and radiate towards the West and East.

* Islamic fundamentalism is a live threat to India and domestic threat in the making of the United States. Both USA and India stand labeled as enemies by Islamic fundamentalist organisations. The roots of this threat lie in South West Asia - Pakistan and Afghanistan to be precise. Concerted action is required by USA and India. Russia and China too would be willing partners.

* ‘Status-quo’ needs to be maintained in the existing strategic equilibrium in Asia-Pacific security architecture. Both USA and India have a convergent stake in this.

* With geo-economics supplanting geo strategic and geo political considerations in international relations and partnerships, the joint potential for USA and India is vast and rich. However, geo-economics walks on the two legs o f geo politics and geo strategic and therefore, a USA - India strategic partnership becomes inevitable.

Conclusion

India has to transcend the blinkered mindsets with which it viewed US policies in South Asia i.e. through the Pakistani prism or the Chinese Prism. India with its pretensions to big powers status must first learn to think big and also dispel others misperceptions of being a soft state. The United States psyche in the conduct of international relations is conditioned by its ‘frontier spirit’ psyche, which recognizes power and respects power. To those Indians who whine that USA does not give big muscle and use it like China does. Strategic ambiguities are the tools of weak nations. The strong nations declare and demonstrate their intentions.

The United States has given enough recognition to India’s power potential through President Clinton’s visit and his pronouncements and those of the accompanying officials. The United States has made it abundantly clear that it is drawing curtains on its special Cold War relationship with Pakistan. This should also imply discarding the policies of strategically balancing India through Pakistan. President Clinton has also seconded Indian positions on crucial issues like Kashmir and state sponsored terrorism, in marked contrast to the record in his first term as President. Indian policy and decision makers could not have expected more.

The joint declaration made in New Delhi during President Clinton’s visit i.e. "India-US Relations: A Vision for the 21st century" incorporates two important statements- ‘Natural partnership of shared endeavours and more importantly that "In many ways the character of the 21st century will depend on the success of our cooperation for peace, prosperity and democracy and freedom". Peace , prosperity, democracy and freedom cannot be secured by rhetoric, as has been the Indian experience. These can only be secured by rhetoric, as has been the Indian experience. These can only be achieved through politico-strategic initiatives with the strategic predominating. The "Vision" of India-US relations, jointly seen, should therefore, logically incorporate the development of a strategic partnership, prompted by the imperatives discussed about. President Clinton’s visit to India, it is hoped heralds the advent of the inevitable.


22.4.2000

(Dr.. Kapila is a Researcher with South Asia Analysis Group)

 

 

 

 

 
            
               
 

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