(The day of August 15
says-Freedom is still incomplete. There are still dreams waiting to be realised. River
Ravi`s pledge is still unfulfilled. The day is not far when we shall reunite the divided
India. From Gilgit to Garo Mountain, we shall celebrate the freedom festival. Come, get
ready to strive, and sacrifice for the golden day, so that we protect what we have got and
aim to get what we have lost.)
This poem "Swatantrata ki pukar" (Call of
Independence Day) was composed by Atal Bihari Vajpayee on August 15, 1947 when he was
twenty-one. Being a staunch follower of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the young
Vajpayee expressed his agony against the partition of India and subscribed to the view
point of RSS on "AKHAND BHARAT". Little did he know then that 50 years later, he
would conduct a bus journey to Lahore as Prime Minister of India with goodwill and a
friendly gesture to the people of Pakistan to live as good neighbours. Does he still
believe that -``Azadi abhi adhuri hai" (Freedom is still incomplete)? Whether
Vajpayee as Prime Minister has forgotten the spirit of this poem is only to be answered by
him, but it is still fresh in the minds of the leaders of the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP)
and the RSS. The BJP document issued on the occasion of ``Swarn Jayanti Rath
Yatra" (From Mumbai to New Delhi-May 18, 1997 to July 10, 1997) led by
L.K.Advani, reproduced this poem of with some additions. It said,
"Is August 15 only a day of joy and celebration? The BJP
does not -- indeed no patriotic Indian who is aware of our national history -- thinks so.
No body can deny that it was the two-nation theory propounded by the Muslim League and
rooted, as Mohammed Ali Jinnah and other League leaders never tired of emphasising, in
Muslim exclusivism which created an emotional frenzy among Muslims for the demand of
separate Pakistan"
The genesis of Hindu-Muslim relations in India today could
be traced to the freedom movement, which culminated in the partition of the country.
The views of the BJP cannot be separated from the views of RSS on Pakistan and the
Muslims. The RSS, which has not yet reconciled to the geo-political division of
India, always maintained that the Muslims were responsible for partition of the country.
The RSS was formed in 1925 at Nagpur by Dr.Keshav Balram Hedgewar
in reaction to the Muslim communalism of the Muslim League and alleged appeasement policy
of the Congress party towards the Muslims. Dr. Hedgewar a known freedom fighter of
his time did not approve the "Khilafat Movement" of 1921 against the British and
maintained that if Hindus of the country are united they will achieve independence easily.
In 1940 M.S.Golwalkar popularly known as Guruji succeeded Dr. Hedgewar after his death as
Sar Sanghchalak (chief) of the RSS and carried forward the mission of Hindu unity in the
country. The RSS was not only opposed to the partition of the country but it never
approved the Muslim policy of Mahatma Gandhi.
Jawaharlal Nehru considered RSS as a communal organisation and
had declared communalism as the main enemy of the country and threat to its secular
polity. After the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi (January 30, 1948), the RSS was banned
and the Congress party branded RSS as a communal organisation. The communist party
of India also supported the Congress party on this issue. Thus the anti-RSS forces in the
country succeeded to a great extent in creating a general impression in the mind of the
Muslims as well as liberal Hindus that the RSS was anti-Muslim. The ban on RSS was
lifted on July 12, 1949 and its leadership subsequently formed Bhartiya Jan Sangh (BJS now
BJP) on October 21, 1951 as its political front with Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherji as first
president of the party. Dr. Mukherji who was earlier in All India Hindu Mahasabha and a
member of Nehru cabinet did not approve the Nehru-Liaqat pact and subsequently resigned
from the cabinet. The pact according to Dr. Mukherji did not serve the interest of Hindu
refugees from Pakistan. He accused Nehru for his alleged appeasement policy towards
Muslims and this was the meeting point between RSS and Dr. Mukherji.
The RSS provided its disciplined cadres and ideological
formulations to the BJS. Prominent cadres like Deen Dayal Upadhyay, Atal Bihari
Vajpayee, S.S.Bhandari, L.K.Advani, Kushabhau Thakre and others were also expected to
carry forward the ideology of the RSS and the legacy of Muslims being responsible for
partitioning the country.
After independence, Pakistan`s meddling into the internal affairs
of India relating to Muslims as if they continue to be their concern, exacerbated the
mistrust between the two communities. Pakistani parliament even adopted a resolution on
"Ram-Janambhumi-Babari-Mosque" issue. Unfortunately, the Muslims in India had to
suffer the historical baggage of the "emotional frenzy" created by Muslim
League. It was an irony that the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) even after partition
claimed itself to be the custodian of Muslim interest in India, which was regularly and
vehemently opposed by the BJP. The war of words between the BJS/BJP and IUML supported by
the Congress and the communist parties resulted in further alienation of Muslims from the
BJP.
The BJS/BJP did not exclude Muslims/Christians from the party's
membership perhaps with a hope to wash away the label of a communal party and make it also
acceptable to the Hindu liberals and the minorities. They tried to convince the Indian
Muslims to come out of the "emotional mind set" created by Jinnah through his
statement- "Muslims will have to live as second class citizens in Hindu dominated
India as the Muslims and Hindus constitute two separate religions, nations, cultures,
traditions and races with nothing incommon." Similarly, the RSS which initially
viewed the Muslims of this country as descendents of Muslim invaders, subsequently made a
tactical change in its approach and also wanted them to become part and parcel of the
mainstream of ``Hindu nationalism``. Some of the quotes of M.S.Golwalkar are relevant
here.
* Teach history as it is. Set right the present
distortions. If there was aggression from Muslim invaders in the past, say so; and also
that the aggressors were foreigners and have nothing in common with the Muslims here.
Let our Muslims here say that they are of this land and that the past aggressors
are not part of their heritage.... Therefore, I say, teach history as it is. If Afzal Khan
was killed by Shivaji, say that a foreign aggressor was killed by a national hero.
* Pakistan celebrated the 5,000th birth anniversary of
Panini who was born in that part which is now in what is called Pakistan. If Pakistan can
claim Panini as one of their great forefathers, why should not our local Hindu Muslims-I
call them `Hindu Muslims`--say that Panini, Vyasa, Valmiki, Rama, Krishna are all their
great ancestors.
Though, the constitution of India has guaranteed equal rights and
opportunities to all the citizens of the country; it has made some special provisions in
article 29 and 30 for the minorities perhaps, considering them a disadvantaged and
socially isolated communities.
The constitution however, has not defined the term minority
precisely and looked at it from religious and linguistic perspective. Similarly, the
judiciary has so far also viewed the religious minority in terms of numbers.
The BJP, with its commitment to one nationhood and one culture
maintains that the Hindu society and nation are identical as the Hindus do not form a
religious community but the nation -"the Hindu Rashtra"-to which the people of
this country belong. The Muslims and the Christians who constitute 11.4 percent and 2.5
percent of Indian population (1991 census) respectively being the converts also inherit
the Hindu culture and civilisation therefore form part of the Hindu nation. The concept of
Hindu Rashtra has nothing to do with Hinduism as religion but it is a state system in
which Hindu customs and traditions apply to all the citizens of the country irrespective
of caste creed or religion. Whether it is singing of "Saraswati Vandana",
"Vande Mataram" in educational institutions or "Uniform Civil Code",
they all form part of patriotic obedience to the concept of Hindu nation. Thus
according to the BJP, the Sikhs, Buddhists, and Jains to whom India is motherland are also
Hindus as per their definition of Hindutva and has nothing to do with Hinduism as
religion.
The BJP that claims to have nothing against `Muslim Indians`--as
distinguished from Muslim invaders aspires to accommodate the civilisational inheritance
within the geo-political frame of the country and inculcate the spirit of Hindu
nationalism in the mind of its entire population irrespective of their religion.
Thus "Hindutva" is the "ideological mascot" of the party
and key to its political philosophy of "cultural nationalism".
The BJP with its slogan-"justice for all and appeasement of
none" has all along been critical of its opponents particularly the Congress and the
Communists for their ``appeasement`` policy towards the Muslims and accused them as pseudo
secularists. Since Muslims in India with their sizeable population remained a vote bank,
the political parties were in a mad race to woo them over for their political gains. The
Muslim leaders particularly the fundamentalists, meanwhile did not allow the community to
think independently because of their educational backwardness and foiled the attempt of
the BJP leaders to convince them of the definition of ``Hindu nationalism``. The BJP
however, did not give up and has been utilising the services of a few Muslim leaders
through its minority cell formed at the time of its reincarnation in 1980. The
minority-cell of the party was changed into BJP Minority Morcha in 1990 and it has been
trying to enlighten the Muslim mass that the BJP has never been anti-Muslim and was in
favour of their overall development.
Demolition of `Babri Mosque/structure` on December 6, 1992 was a
major set back for the BJP as it only aggravated the distrust in the minds of Muslims
against the party. The BJP leadership which had not expected the demolition was also
shocked. Vajpayee was so anguished that a section of RSS even ridiculed him through
statements in media. Though, the Muslims got further alienated from the BJP, Vajpayee
maintained his liberal image in the community . The RSS has all along been the first love
of Vajpayee but he viewed the situation beyond his ideological commitment.
Despite the post `Babari Mosque` demolition developments, wherein
the BJP came in for severe criticism from almost all sections of people, in its election
manifesto of 1998 to Lok Sabha reiterated the party's commitment ``to facilitate the
construction of a magnificent Sri Ram temple Mandir at Ram Janmasthan in Ayodhya where a
makeshift temple already exists. "Shri Ram lies at the core of Indian consciousness .
The BJP will explore all consensual, legal and constitutional means to facilitate the
construction of Shri Ram Mandir at Ayodhya." It however, cautioned the minority
communities against the ``Congress and United Front parties who in the name of
`secularism` have shamelessly pandered to communalism and indulged in vote bank politics.
The manifesto further reads: -``In keeping with party's commitment to protect the honour
and dignity of the minority communities we will: -
"Provide all minority communities with equal opportunities for prosperity ...Amend
Article 30 of the constitution suitably to remove any scope of discrimination against any
religious community in matters of education...Entrust the responsibility of the Minorities
Commission to the Human Rights Commission ...`
In 1998 Lok Sabha election, the BJP emerged as a single largest
party and was able to form a coalition Government under the leadership of A.B.Vajpayee
with the support of a number of regional parties on the basis of ``National Agenda for
Governance`` which significantly did not include any of the controversial issues like
construction of Ram temple at Ayodhya, Uniform Civil Code, Ban on cow slaughter, pushing
back of Muslim infiltrators from Bangla Desh and so on which have been keeping the Muslims
agitated .
It was for the first time in 1998 that Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi, a
Muslim candidate got elected to Lok Sabha on BJP ticket. With his induction in Union
cabinet as Minister of State for Information and Broadcasting the BJP Minority Morcha got
activated and organised a number of programmes attended in large numbers by the Muslims.
Mr. Naqvi is now found actively propagating among the Muslims that the BJP wants them to
realise that they are not second class citizens in India. Other political parties
according to him created an inferiority complex among the Muslims dinning into their ears
that they were second class citizens whereas the BJP Government has created an awareness
among them on the basic issues like education and their overall upliftment. How far the
attempt of BJP Minority Morcha has mobilised the Muslim opinion in favour of the party,
only time will say, but it has been observed that Vajpayee Government has hardly been ever
accused for communal bias by any Muslim organization.
The Lahore Bus ride by Vajpayee created a visible dent in the
attitude of Indian Muslims towards him. Sensing this mood of the Muslims, the BJP Minority
Morcha organised an assembly of Muslim intellectuals under the aegis of
"Paigame-Aman-Conference" (Message of Peace Conference) on March 11, 1999 at Tal
Katora stadium, New Delhi. The conference attended by chief priest of Hajarat Nizamuddin,
(a prominent Islamic institution in New Delhi), chief priest of Dargah Ajmer Sharif,
Vice-Chancellor, Aligarh Muslim University, a professor from Ambedkar University, a number
of Ulemas etc and also addressed by A.B.Vajpayee was an impressive show of Muslim elites
in support of Vajpayee.
During Kargil conflict many Muslim organisations expressed their
solidarity with the Government. Imam (Muslim clergy) `Association of India staged a
demonstration (New Delhi June 16, 1999) expressing their solidarity with the Government on
Kargil issue. The placards and banners carried by the demonstrators read-
"All Imams are with Government and army." "Indian Imams will take
revenge for each drop of blood of our martyrs." Chief priest of Dargah Ajmer Sharif
donated a cheque of rupees one lakh to Vajpayee on June 29, 1999 for Defence fund. Except
for some tension in Nadwat-ul-Ulema, an autonomous institute of Islamic studies near
Lucknow University, the Kargil conflict hardly had a communal fallout. Senior BJP
leaders, publicly lauded the role of Islamic leader and Nadwa rector Ali Mian and debunked
newspaper reports that accused him of asking Muslims not to pray for the soldiers killed
in Kargil.
There is no doubt that Vajpayee has maintained his liberal image
among the Muslim community. He has been making sincere efforts to woo the Muslims and win
their confidence. Addressing the Muslim gatherings on the occasion of some functions
organised by Muslims he said, "The Holy Quran calls upon people to seek knowledge
from cradle to grave." He also quoted references from Islamic scriptures in his
attempt to convince the Muslims that they should not see his party through the eyes of his
opponents. Whether the recent solidarity shown by the Muslims with Vajpayee and his
Government is a reflection of any change in their attitude towards the BJP is very
difficult to say.
Ideologically there is no difference between the RSS and the BJP.
Vajpayee does not have a free hand to implement Muslim policy independently and as
a result the Muslims may continue to be suspicious of BJP's intentions. It is a fact
that the BJP cannot win an election without the active support of the RSS, but it is also
a fact that under the present political situation the BJP is not in a position to lead a
Government at centre without Vajpayee. The Muslims in the country do not appear to
have accepted the explanation of the ideological mascot viz `Hindutva`, `Hindu
nationalism` or `Cultural nationalism` of the BJP. They have however, accepted Vajpayee as
a moderate leader which does not mean that their attitude towards his party- the BJP has
undergone a `sea change` as claimed by Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi, the first Muslim member of Lok
Sabha and Minister of State in Vajpayee cabinet.
R.Upadhyay
20.7.99
(Upadhyay is a Regional Adviser to the South Asia Analysis Group. )
