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INDO-PAK RELATIONS :
THE INSOLUBLE EQUATION

A.K.Verma

The Indo–Pak talks in November 98 have once again demonstrated that the relations are doomed by an irresolvable equation. However it is a matter of historical record that many problems or equations in mathematics or otherwise regarded as insoluble, do get resolved. It takes a genius to do so and the time taken for success cannot be pre-determined. It seems many a genius will be necessary to deal successfully with the complexities of India –Pakistan relations. And the time factor will of course remain indeterminate.

Unfortunately these complexities are becoming worse. New factors are creeping in which make the task more difficult for an ordinary genius.

The roots of the problem are to be found in the very basis on which the two new nations India and Pakistan where carved from British India. Since then, India has evolved into a democratic and secular state. Its concerns today are largely related to development and social transformation. A broad sense of nationalism pervades the entire country. Its parliamentary mechanisms and constitutional guarantees allow dissent and disaffection to be approached through debate and compromise. In Pakistan, on the other hand some of the fundamentals of a national architecture are sadly missing. Its own choice to remain a theocratic state imposes on it the burden of some awesome hurdles.

Kashmir, therefore becomes the irresolvable issue over which Pakistan cannot compromise. The fundamentalists in the country which include in their broad sweep influential sections of the armed forces will not let any government in Pakistan stay in power even for a day if it were to appear that a compromise on Kashmir was in the offing. The reactions in India over such a possibility would be no less explosive. Any government in India which displays any responsiveness to the idea of a trade off is likely to have the entire opposition at its throat. This is not withstanding the fact that responsible political and military opinion in both the countries are said to believe that concessions and adjustments are absolutely necessary to achieve credible progress in relations between the two countries.

Today Pakistan is paying a price for its policies on Kashmir which by any prudent consideration should be considered unacceptable. Its military expenditures have long ago reached almost unbearable levels. Its pursuit of a nuclear deterrent can be traced to its sense of non security over Kashmir. Its nuclear explosions of May 98 which are predicated by the same approach and consequent policies have landed it into a state of virtual bankruptcy. The American pressures are ironically compelling it to move deeper in the direction of religious fundamentalism. Such developments are not conducive to the promotion of social cohesion or national integrity. And yet despite observing its progressive deterioration and decay no government in Pakistan has been able to dismount from the tiger of Kashmir attachment for fearing of being devoured.

The costs to India seem manageable and therefore do not impose an imperative for a a change in policy. The Indian limits for tolerance are well with in the acceptable threshold. The Pakistanis can see all this but keep hoping that some miracle will alter the situation to their advantage. The nuclear explosions of May 98 seen as an affront to American policies on non proliferation have given Pakistan what it considers to be a new opportunity to put Kashmir on the centre stage of world attention as potential area for serious tension. The reactions of the UN Security Council, P5 and G8 apart from certain statements of President Mandela of South Africa and UN Secretary General Kofi Annan can be assumed to have bolstered Pakistani spirits. In this background the Pakistani delegation for the November 98 talks could have had only one brief to harp on the need for peace and security in the context of Kashmir and not to allow any progress on any other matter. And this is exactly what happened. The talks were predetermined from the Pakistani side not to have any results. And yet the routine would continue for the benefit of international observers in whose eyes Pakistan does not wish to appear recalcitrant.

The Pakistani political will today therefore is to stall any meaningful progress in the dialogue with India. Such a will is clearly visible from the reported discussions in November 98 talks on two subjects, Siachen and economic cooperation. The stand–off in the icy barrens of Siachen is to nobody's advantage and can be and should be called off without loss to anyone. Pakistan rejected Indian confidence building measures for calling of mortar and artillery exchanges. It is to be noted that the line of actual control in Kashmir ends at point NJ 9842 and beyond that which is the Siachen area, it is supposed to run northwards. At one time the Pakistani leadership was believed willingly to abide by this imaginary line northwards beyond NJ 9842 but is no longer willing to do so. In matters of trade Pakistan is bound to extend to India the MFN status under WTO regulations. However Pakistani authoriites seem to assess that the fundamentalist opinion in Pakistan would not approve of it and, therefore refrain from responding to the Indian gesture of giving that status to Pakistan.

Perhaps the only positive gains from the November 98 talks were the agreements to allow a bus service between Lahore and Delhi and examine sale of power to India. But t should not surprise anyone if Pakistan ultimately finds itself to be without the political will to push these two innocuous arrangements. The other questions a t the talks viz. Wullar Barrage, Tulbul Navigation project and Sir Creek needed only technical clarifications and adjustments to be taken out of the way. But the Pakistani brief was not to allow any headway. The remaining question was of terrorism and proxy war. As was to be expected Pakistan denied any role in it.

It is going to be a long wait before the mood in Pakistan towards India undergoes a change. Another half a century may not also be enough.

(Mr. A.K.Verma is a former Secretary of Cabinet Secretariat.)

12-12-98

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