The IndoPak talks in November 98 have once again
      demonstrated that the relations are doomed by an irresolvable equation. However it is a
      matter of historical record that many problems or equations in mathematics or otherwise
      regarded as insoluble, do get resolved. It takes a genius to do so and the time taken for
      success cannot be pre-determined. It seems many a genius will be necessary to deal
      successfully with the complexities of India Pakistan relations. And the time factor
      will of course remain indeterminate.
      Unfortunately these complexities are becoming worse. New factors
      are creeping in which make the task more difficult for an ordinary genius. 
      The roots of the problem are to be found in the very basis on
      which the two new nations India and Pakistan where carved from British India. Since then,
      India has evolved into a democratic and secular state. Its concerns today are largely
      related to development and social transformation. A broad sense of nationalism pervades
      the entire country. Its parliamentary mechanisms and constitutional guarantees allow
      dissent and disaffection to be approached through debate and compromise. In Pakistan, on
      the other hand some of the fundamentals of a national architecture are sadly missing. Its
      own choice to remain a theocratic state imposes on it the burden of some awesome hurdles. 
      Kashmir, therefore becomes the irresolvable issue over which
      Pakistan cannot compromise. The fundamentalists in the country which include in their
      broad sweep influential sections of the armed forces will not let any government in
      Pakistan stay in power even for a day if it were to appear that a compromise on Kashmir
      was in the offing. The reactions in India over such a possibility would be no less
      explosive. Any government in India which displays any responsiveness to the idea of a
      trade off is likely to have the entire opposition at its throat. This is not withstanding
      the fact that responsible political and military opinion in both the countries are said to
      believe that concessions and adjustments are absolutely necessary to achieve credible
      progress in relations between the two countries. 
      Today Pakistan is paying a price for its policies on Kashmir
      which by any prudent consideration should be considered unacceptable. Its military
      expenditures have long ago reached almost unbearable levels. Its pursuit of a nuclear
      deterrent can be traced to its sense of non security over Kashmir. Its nuclear explosions
      of May 98 which are predicated by the same approach and consequent policies have landed it
      into a state of virtual bankruptcy. The American pressures are ironically compelling it to
      move deeper in the direction of religious fundamentalism. Such developments are not
      conducive to the promotion of social cohesion or national integrity. And yet despite
      observing its progressive deterioration and decay no government in Pakistan has been able
      to dismount from the tiger of Kashmir attachment for fearing of being devoured.
      The costs to India seem manageable and therefore do not impose an
      imperative for a a change in policy. The Indian limits for tolerance are well with in the
      acceptable threshold. The Pakistanis can see all this but keep hoping that some miracle
      will alter the situation to their advantage. The nuclear explosions of May 98 seen as an
      affront to American policies on non proliferation have given Pakistan what it considers to
      be a new opportunity to put Kashmir on the centre stage of world attention as potential
      area for serious tension. The reactions of the UN Security Council, P5 and G8 apart from
      certain statements of President Mandela of South Africa and UN Secretary General Kofi
      Annan can be assumed to have bolstered Pakistani spirits. In this background the Pakistani
      delegation for the November 98 talks could have had only one brief to harp on the need for
      peace and security in the context of Kashmir and not to allow any progress on any other
      matter. And this is exactly what happened. The talks were predetermined from the Pakistani
      side not to have any results. And yet the routine would continue for the benefit of
      international observers in whose eyes Pakistan does not wish to appear recalcitrant. 
      The Pakistani political will today therefore is to stall any
      meaningful progress in the dialogue with India. Such a will is clearly visible from the
      reported discussions in November 98 talks on two subjects, Siachen and economic
      cooperation. The standoff in the icy barrens of Siachen is to nobody's advantage and
      can be and should be called off without loss to anyone. Pakistan rejected Indian
      confidence building measures for calling of mortar and artillery exchanges. It is to be
      noted that the line of actual control in Kashmir ends at point NJ 9842 and beyond that
      which is the Siachen area, it is supposed to run northwards. At one time the Pakistani
      leadership was believed willingly to abide by this imaginary line northwards beyond NJ
      9842 but is no longer willing to do so. In matters of trade Pakistan is bound to extend to
      India the MFN status under WTO regulations. However Pakistani authoriites seem to assess
      that the fundamentalist opinion in Pakistan would not approve of it and, therefore refrain
      from responding to the Indian gesture of giving that status to Pakistan.
      Perhaps the only positive gains from the November 98 talks were
      the agreements to allow a bus service between Lahore and Delhi and examine sale of power
      to India. But t should not surprise anyone if Pakistan ultimately finds itself to be
      without the political will to push these two innocuous arrangements. The other questions a
      t the talks viz. Wullar Barrage, Tulbul Navigation project and Sir Creek needed only
      technical clarifications and adjustments to be taken out of the way. But the Pakistani
      brief was not to allow any headway. The remaining question was of terrorism and proxy war.
      As was to be expected Pakistan denied any role in it. 
      It is going to be a long wait before the mood in Pakistan towards
      India undergoes a change. Another half a century may not also be enough. 
      (Mr. A.K.Verma is a former Secretary of Cabinet
      Secretariat.) 
      12-12-98